The debate over Hindi imposition continues with data showing higher multilingualism in non-Hindi states and suggesting that English may be a more effective link language for progress.
The recent dispute between Tamil Nadu and the Centre over Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) funding has once again sparked a heated debate surrounding the imposition of Hindi in non-Hindi speaking states.
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin has once more affirmed the state’s long-standing opposition to the imposition of Hindi, emphasizing its commitment to the two-language policy.
In contrast, Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan has defended the government's position, dismissing claims of Hindi imposition and asserting that the educational policy’s intent is not to force Hindi on Tamil Nadu or any other non-Hindi state.
Pradhan has pointed out that Tamil, one of the oldest languages in Indian civilization, should not be seen in opposition to learning other languages.
He stressed that multilingual education in Tamil Nadu could include Tamil, English, and other Indian languages, and there was no effort to impose Hindi.
“Some friends in Tamil Nadu are doing politics,” he remarked in February, reflecting the ongoing political friction over language issues.
At the heart of this dispute lies a long-standing question that has gripped the non-Hindi states, particularly in the South: whether the implementation of the three-language formula in schools indirectly imposes Hindi.
Beyond this, there is an equally significant question—does data on development indices make a stronger case for English as the link language, rather than Hindi?
More broadly, should native Hindi speakers be encouraged to learn English for wider mobility, or should non-Hindi speakers be asked to learn Hindi for their supposed benefit?
Data from the 1991 and 2011 Language Censuses offer insights into the dynamics of multilingualism across India.
One trend that stands out is the higher multilingualism among non-Hindi speakers. In contrast to their Hindi-speaking counterparts, non-Hindi speakers generally exhibit greater openness to learning additional languages.
For example, in Tamil Nadu, the share of monolingual Tamil speakers decreased from 84.5% in 1991 to 78% in 2011, illustrating a shift toward multilingualism.
Similarly, in other non-Hindi-speaking states like Odisha, Maharashtra, and Punjab, the share of monolinguals dropped, while the proportion of multilingual speakers increased.
On the other hand, Hindi-speaking states saw a different pattern. The proportion of monolinguals among Hindi speakers remained high and even increased in many states.
For instance, in undivided Bihar in 1991, 90.2% of Hindi speakers were monolingual, and this figure rose to 95.2% in the newly formed Bihar by 2011.
Similar trends were seen in Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and Himachal Pradesh.
Further analysis of multilingualism reveals that in Tamil Nadu, for example, 13.5% of native Tamil speakers spoke English in 1991, a number that increased to 18.5% by 2011.
In contrast, in Haryana, the share of native Hindi speakers who spoke English declined from 17.5% to 14.6% during the same period.
These figures highlight a growing trend in the Southern states toward acquiring English, while the growth in English proficiency is more modest in Hindi-speaking regions.
At the same time, Hindi speakers’ proficiency in English has stagnated or even declined in some regions.
In Tamil Nadu, only 0.5% of native Tamil speakers spoke Hindi in 1991, a number that rose slightly to 1.3% by 2011.
This shows that while the adoption of Hindi is slowly increasing, English remains the more dominant second language in the state.
In contrast, regions like Gujarat and Maharashtra saw a notable rise in the number of people speaking Hindi, indicating that the language is making inroads in these regions.
This divergence between the Southern states and the Hindi-speaking regions further underscores the resistance to Hindi imposition in the South.
The Southern states have historically placed a strong emphasis on their native languages and have been reluctant to adopt Hindi as a compulsory second language.
In contrast, the trend in many Northern and Western states has been towards greater adoption of Hindi.
The question of which language best serves the economic and social mobility of citizens is central to the debate.
Data on the Human Development Index (HDI) scores across states reveals a clear pattern: regions with higher English proficiency tend to have higher HDI scores, while states with a larger proportion of Hindi speakers generally have lower HDI scores.
This trend suggests that English, being the global lingua franca, offers greater access to opportunities and resources.
Migration data also supports this trend. People from Hindi-speaking regions are increasingly migrating to non-Hindi states in search of better economic opportunities.
This suggests that regions with higher English proficiency are attracting more migrants, further strengthening the case for English as a link language.
In conclusion, the ongoing debate between Hindi and English in India's education system is complex and multifaceted.
While the imposition of Hindi remains a contentious issue, the data suggests that English, with its global reach and higher correlation with development indices, might be a more effective link language for India’s diverse population.
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